AND
THE COMMUNIZATION
OF THE
KINGDOM OF LAOS
by S. THORANINTH
of the “Lao
National Committee”, movement fighting for
Democracy, Freedom and Human Rights
UNSTABLE PEACE – COMMUNIZATION
OF LAOS
Souphanouvong First President of the LAO PDR |
area entailed the
irremediable downfall off the regime’s pro- Souphanouvong first President of the Lao PDR Americans which were
there. It is the same that the American
withdrawal from Laos carried
away the tumble of the Vientiane
pro-American regime.
I. UNSTABLE PEACE.
The Accord of the 21st
February on the re-establishment of peace and national concord in Laos,
solemnly signed in Vientiane by the Delegation of the Vientiane Government and
the Delegation of the Lao Patriotic Forces, this Accord constitutes on the
whole a repetition on the one hand from the Zurich Accord of the 2nd
June 1961, on the other hand, the accords between the Lao Patriotic Front and
the Royal Lao Government in 1956-57, and the proposal in 5 points put forward
on the 6 March 1970 by the Lao Patriotic Front. Worked out in 14 articles, it
stipulated the essential following points:
Ex-King SAVANG Vatthana Supreme Adviser of the President of the Lao PDR |
2.The cessation of hostilities;
preservation of 2 provisional zones; creation of a mixed commission in view of
putting practice the cease-fire; interdiction of reprisals, the introduction of
troops, the armament and war material in Laos; the withdrawal of all military
personnel, the regular foreign troops and the dissolution of military and
paramilitary as in the same way the foreign countries special forces;
reciprocal release of the civil and military prisoners within 60 days following
the formation of the provisional National Union’s government and the National
Consultative Political council (article 2 to 5).
3.The free and democratic
general elections in view of forming a definitive National Union’s government,
the formation in 30 days, as from the date of the Accords’ signature, the
provisional National Union government and the National Consultative Political
council formed of an equal number of Representatives of both parties, invested
buy the King and functioning according to the unanimity principle; neutralizations
of the Royal Capital of Luang Prabang and the Administrative capital,
Vientiane, temporary management of the 2 zones by each party and the
progressive establishment of normal relations between the 2 zones (articles 6
to 10).
4. The creation and the role of the mixt
commission.
For the accords : execution as well as the
role of the International Commission for supervision and control composed of
India, Poland, and Canada, with India as President (articles 11 to 12).
The
Accord of 21st February is completed by a second accord called
Protocole of Accord of the
21 February 1973.
THE PROTOCOLE OF 14 SEPTEMBER 1973
In the Accord of 21 February 1973 anticipated the formation within
30 days, the Provisional National Union government and the National
Consultative Political Council, the Protocole of 14 September defined the mode
of enforcement of the different clauses it contained.
1) The Provisional National Union bipartite
The provisional
government consists of the ministries and 26 members, including the Prime Minister,
Prince Souvanna Phouma, and 2 personalities working for peace, independence,
neutrality, and democracy.
The Members of the Government delegation of Vientiane
|
On the other hand this governmental proportioning reflected,
compared to that of 1962, a
progression of the Loa left wing. For the latter passed from 4 ministerial
portfolios in June 1962 to 11 portfolios whose 6 vice ministers in April 1974,
with bipartisanism in governmental proportioning, it sanctioned the
disappearance “de facto” of the neutralists in spite of those that had been predominant
in 1962 for having been occupying 8 ministerial portfolios out of 16 (so be one
halt of it).
Moreover experiencing the repercussions of the irresistible
pressure of the Vietnamese and Cambodian revolutionaries who had liberated all
of South Vietnam and Cambodia in present April, the provisional government
began to be out of breath and to meet with the signs of internal instability,
for, following the forced resignation of the 16 June, the 8 and 9 July 1975,
six members of the government, all belonging to the Vientiane Party, the had
been 3 ministerial reshuffles. These had consecrated the definitive elimination
of the right wing and the reinforcement of the left wing which benefited by a
combination of circumstance, at least from the government’s point of view, of
the six personalities favorable to peace and the policy of the Lao Patriotic
front.
Finally, in accordance with the article 4 of the Protocole of
Vientiane Accord, which stipulated the principle of unanimity of view between
each incumbent of ministry and his deputy, the Protocole contained in itself a
germ of paralysis. For if the former had not any power on the second, in fact,
the administrative hierarchy was abolished, whereas the vice minister had
become quite simply the political counter-balance of his hierarchical chief,
the minister.
2) The National Consultative Political Council
The signing ceremony of the Vientiane Agreement |
1-Structure of
National Consultative Political Council
Communication media by Pheng Phongsavanh |
Concerning its internal arrangement the Council consisted of :
a. A permanent committee of
10 members formed of equal parity of the Representatives of 2
parties and capped by a
President, under the circumstances the Prince Souphanouvong, Representative of
the Patriotic Forces Party, 2 Vice Presidents representing each Party, the
first one belonging to the Patriotic Party, assuming the function of General
Secretary (article 5 of the Protocole).
b. 6 commissioners
c. An Administrative
Officer
2-Council Functioning
Like what had come into
force in the government operation, the council functioned according to the
principle of equality and unanimity of view between the 2 Parties. It held a
meeting twice a year, each session lasted only one month.
For the remaining time
it was the permanent committee which operated on its behalf.
3-Council’s Competence
By virtue of disposition
of article 7 of the Protocole one can see that the Council was an Assembly
having the same competence as government. Besides, according to the same
article, it appears that it surpasses the government in legislative and
political competence because the government must examine concurrently the laws
and regulations concerning the general elections in the same way the
recommendations are adopted by it.
3)-Other Measures of
Peace and National Concord
The
signing ceremony of the Vientiane Agreement 1973
1.
The cease-fire and the prisoners release
It was intervened soon
after the Accord signature of 21 February. In order to supervise and control
the ceasefire, it was to be created a Central Mixte Committee formed for half
the military representatives of the Patriotic Forces Party and for half the
military representatives of the Vientiane Government Party. In cooperation with
the International Commission for the supervision and the control of the
cease-fire, this mixte committee was charged to put in practice the measures
relating to the withdrawal of troops and the foreign military personnel.
2.
The Neutralization of Vientiane and Luanprabang
By accord of 12 October
1973 the 2 Parties had attained to the neutralization of the 2 cities. The
troops of the Patriotic Front had been introduced in the 1st city at
a rate of 1000 men and 500 in
the second. These troops had formed with those of Vientiane Party with
effective force equivalent to the Vientiane Party, the mixte security forces in
charge of maintaining order and security of the government and council.
a. Adoption, a governmental program in 18
points
Two weeks after entering upon its
duty the National Consultative Political Council had adopted on 24 April 1974 a political program
in 18 points relating to peace restoration, independence, neutrality,
democracy, unity, and progress of Laos. Submitted to the government, it had
been adopted on 25 December. On the internal point of view, it puts emphasis on
the democratic rights, democratic elections in order to form the National
coalition government, the economic development, and social programs. On the external
point of view, accent was put on the neutrality and the 5 principles of
peaceful co-existence.
b. The provisional government of National
Union,
powerless to resolve the economic crisis. If the government had met with a
political success among the Lao masses, during the period of 5 April 1974 at the end of
November 1975, it had showed incompetent and powerlessness to resolve economic
crises which assailed the country. On the contrary, one can witness the aggravation
of this situation which was translated by inflation, monetary disorder, deficit
of balance of payments and budget, social tensions, penury of consumption goods
and equipment.
II. THE
COMMUNIZATION OF THE KINGDOM OF LAOS
Following the example of
the Soviet October Revolution of 1917, during the second half of the year 1975,
the revolutionary process had been accelerated, the Lao Communist Party process
had been accelerated, and the Lao Communist Party called Lao People’s
Revolutionary Party came out from the shadow to lead the final of the power
party. This one consists of 2 phase: on the one hand was the extension and
consolidation of the revolutionary forces, on the other was the instauration of
the popular democracy.
A.
PHASE OF EXTENSION OF THE REVOLUTIONARY COMMUNISTS FORCES
1. The pursuit of national revolution
Without any doubt peace
intervened after the Accord of 21 February 1973, which constituted for the
revolutionaries a pause. In accordance to the famous Leninist tactic, this
cause allowed the Lao People’s Revolutionary Party, which
had come out from the shadow to jump forward.
Otherwise, it allowed
this latter to consolidate and enlarge its basis across the country, especially
in the zone controlled by the Vientiane regime, and in view to pursue the
National revolution. For doing it, the people’s revolutionary Party put in
practice the well-known tactic of Mao Tse Tung called United front tactic
aiming to chase the imperialists, to overthrow the bureaucrats, the
reactionaries on the one hand and one the other hand, to establish a government
and an administration guaranteeing independence and national sovereignty
conforming to the people’s interest.
On the whole it was for
the People’s Revolutionary Party to resolve the 2 contradictions which lie
across the Lao society: on the one hand, there was contradiction between the
Lao multinationals and the Americans; on the other, the contradiction between
the multinational people and the bourgeois.
To this regard the
Accord of 21 February and its Protocole of the 14 September 1973 had permitted
to resolve this 1st contradiction whose result was the withdrawal of
the foreign forces (and no Vietnamese). Remaining then the 2nd
contradiction to be resolved, it was for this party to “combat the oppression
inside of the country, to achieve equality between ethnics, to provide the
conscience of unity so that to increase the revolution forces”.
2. The revolutionary process and the seize of power
Concretely the Party
applied to implant in the zone still controlled by Vientiane regime its
political machinery composed of political and military cadres. Then once
everything was in place and covered so much by the Accords in force, by the 18
points program, these cadres of the Party carried out their activities of
sapping against Vientiane Party. Ever since then, with the example of
inspiration of the Chinese revolution, for the first time in the history of
Laos, a mass movement was born the day after the Accords of Peace of 1973.
Unceasingly increased, it regrouped in 21 organizations or Ongkane (in reality
29 organizations) led by a coordination committee, one can observe that this
movement had benefitted the discreet support from the People’s Revolutionary
Party whose special representative at Vientiane.
So since the beginning of May 1975 set
out the huge mass demonstrations with claiming slogan. At the start they called
for the resignation of the principal politicians and military chief; then it
besieged the ministries detained by the rightist, the premises belonging to the
American missions: USIS, USAID, American Embassy, and demanding the American
withdrawal. And each time the revolting masses called for protection of the
Patriot Front Forces.
In short, the revolutionaries in
connection with the urban masses tried to create in the principal towns of
insurrection climate worthy of Leninist tactics. Their objective was therefore
to terrorize the rightist leaders and to make their life insufferable. They had
attained fully their goal when since 9 May all the civil and military leaders,
the most directed by the demonstrators and all the Vientiane Party officials,
has resigned from their posts successively fleeing to Thailand.
Their fall swept off that of all the
rightist institutions. For the first time in the history of Laos the refugees
formed a continuous wave and reached about 450,000 persons of all conditions of
life out of a population of 3 million inhabitants. Thailand had become their first
haven. Afterwards, they were welcomed at the four corners of the world thanks
to the generosity of the governments and people of the hospitable countries:
France, Australia, United States, Canada, etc…, in the same way thanks to the
kindness of the High commission of the United Nations for the refugees and the
stateless persons. The were 110 000 dead and missing, those who died in camps
of “re-education”, in the prisons, by repression ,in crossing the Mekong river,
by starvation, by torture …and leaving behind them thousands widows and orphans
.
B. INSTAURATION OF THE
PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY
1. Putting in place the people’s committees in Laos
The month of May 1975 is this one where
“the crisis is mature”, where the proletariat conscience was already ready to
struggle not for a displacement of the balance of forces but for the
destruction of the bourgeois paliamentarism, for a Republic of the Soviets of
deputies, workers, and soldiers, for the proletariat revolutionary dictatorship
of the proletariat.
Strong with support provided by the
presence of several elite divisions of North Vietnamese in the countryside
close vicinity of the big cities, the Party proceeded to the progressive in
place the people’s committees so that to seize the power.
The
23 August 1975, during a mass meeting at the That Luang Stadium was announced
the formation of Revolutionary Administrative Committee for Vientiane Capital.
In seizing the Administrative power of this city, it occupied, in fact, the
central power of the country. The month of November had lived several important
events which had changed the face of Laos .
In the countryside, the Party had
completed the election organization in order to form the people’s Assemblies
Bases. These had emerged at all local and provincial levels: villages,
townships, districts. Even Vientiane
possesses, besides its Revolutionary administrative committee, area committees.
It is the prefiguration of the revolutions triumph.
The 26 November during the mass meeting
at the National Stadium, the Revolutionary Administrative Committee celebrated
putting in place the Lao Soviets on the whole country. On this occasion it
openly demanded the overthrowing of the Vientiane
regime. Two days after, it organized a colossal demonstration where the
demonstrators were clamouring for the dissolution of the provisional National
Union government, the National Consultative Political Council, and the
abolition of the Monarchy. Therefore, days were counted for these institutions.
At the end of November, on the
invitation of the Patriotic Front, the government and the Council had a meeting
in “Congress” at Vieng Xay (North Laos) Headquarter of the Patriotic Front
Central Committee. At the same moment asserting its authority, the Revolutionary
Administrative Committee sent in the province
of Samneua and elsewhere the first
round of 300 high ranking officials and military chief of Vientiane in order to attend the courses of
political “reeducation”. In fact, it was well established that these persons
were quite simply detained as prisoners of war and treated as such.
On 29 November, after deliberation, the
government and the Council had decided to dissolve themselves thus in meeting
with the demand of the masses. Armed with the common resolution of these two
institutions, the Prime Minister, the President of Council and the Vice Prime
Minister, the General Secretary of the Patriotic Front, were flying to
Luanprabang where they had delivered to the king Savang Vattana the ultimatum
from VIENGXAY requesting to abdicate, he who could not do otherwise unless to
submit, so much the balance of forces was unequal. The same day by royal
rescript, he signified his abdication, realizing that there was incompatibility
between the monarchical regime which he incarnated and the people’s democratic
regime which was going to be born.
2. PROCLAMATION OF THE "LAO PEOPLE'S DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC"
Having attained their objective, these
three persons returned to Vientiane where preparations for calling together the
so-called National Congress of the people’s Representatives which was held in
secret, and what was bound to happen, then happened. For during two days the 1st
and 2nd of December 1975 was held in the outskirts of
Vientiane the said Congress in which 270 “elected” of the people participated,
among them a great number of cadres of the People’s Revolutionary Party were
present. The Congress had been developed according to the scenario pre-established.
The congressists were restricted to adopt by acclamation and raised hand all
the resolutions read at the platform.
Therefore, after having heard the
reading of the Royal rescript of abdication by the Crown Prince Vongsavang, the
speech of resignation of the Prime Minister, the Congressists had, they
acclaimed, the abolition of the Monarchy and the foundation of the Lao People’s
Democratic Republic. Then, they had elected unanimously Prince Souphanouvong as
President of the Republic and President of the Supreme people’s Assembly which
had just come to be created. They had designated moreover the ex-king Savang
Vatthana as Supreme Councilor of the President of the Republic. We can note
down that this post is purely honorary.
Beside, on the proposal of the
President of the Republic they had approved the formation of the government of
the Republic presided by Kaysone Phomvihane; next to the Prime Minister Prince
Souvanna Phouma was designated as Advisor.
Finally the resolution adopted by
Congress flag of the Patriotic Front as the National Flag, the national
anthem,
the one used previously, but the words are those of SISANA SISANE and the Lao
language as an official national language.
The day after the seize of power, in
applying its action program and the Maxist-Leninist principles relating to
people’s democracy, the People’s Revolutionary Party strived to reinforce its
hold over the state’s institutions and to practice the proletarian dictatorship
called dicdatorship of the proletariat. The question was therefore for it to
purge the State and the People. In other words it is the question to
consolidate the revolution victory. But it is also to re-educate millions of
peasants, small patrons, hundreds of thousands of employees, civil-servants,
intellectuals, to subordinate all of them to the proletarian state.
3-Purgation and
purification of the State and the people
Concretely the Sate was
purged of its elements less trustworthy for the revolution. The high ranking
civil servants, the military chief were arrested and sent into the reeducation
camps for an undetermined duration. There they were forced to be under an internment
where political and civic instruction incorporated to a productive manual
labor. The whole was crown of critique and self-critique by which everyone must
make a full apology for his pas crimes.
It was so obvious that these:
“lodgers” were closely watched over and all attempts to evade was severely
punished. Besides, the purgation and purification reached also the people. From
now on this one was covered under control; each area, each urban block, each
village had its own organization of base and its own seminary center in which
all inhabitants attended the courses of political “consciencisation” and
learned to live a new life and a new revolutionary ethic. By contrast, the
people were called to protect and defend the order and the security of the new
regime; it follows the one part of the population opposed and exiled themselves
every day to foreign countries.
The Government had debated with many
difficulties. After the serious hemorrhage of the technicians and the capital
due to the exodus of the major part of the population, the new Laos is
bloodless and needed capital, competent personnel, and equipment. To this added
the grave mistakes committed in the management of the country. The exaction and
arbitrary arrests committed by the cadre of the Party incited the people’s
malcontent and economic paralysis.
Since the instauration of the
dictatorial regime in Laos in 1975, the Lao people had become a people
“deaf-mute, without rights, without voice, and without hope” where corruption
judges honesty, the culprit condemns the innocent, and where the Laotian was
not owner of his property.
At the moment in time where the
international situation has met with the profound political transformation,
Laos fundamentally remains a Stalinist dictatorship where the single Party
(People’s Revolutionary Party) ruled undividedly the country under an
authoritarian Marxist-Leninist regime and that human rights were violated, the
prisoners of opinion remained always incarcerated without trial and inhumanely
treated, and its inhabitants had sunk into misery and the democratic
expressions were encountered with many hindrances.
Before the alarming situation, as well
as on the political, economic, and social point of view, characterized by :
1. Absence of fundamental liberties, violations of human
rights and ethnics, and religious
conflicts have been in effervescence as well the insecurity and the fear
growing;
2. Presence more and more numerous and uncontrolled the Vietnamese
colonist and communist soldiers on the National territory by
virtue of the special Treaty of Vassalage signed on 18 July 1977 at Vientiane
by the Comrades Kaysone Phomvihane and
Pham Van Dong, Prime Minister Lao and Vietnamese, which made official
the dependence the LAO PDR (Laos) in the
aid of “Brother Vietnam” owing to the debts of blood contracted by Lao Communist leaders to the Vietnamese
Communist Party which had helped them to
seize the powers that they are at present detaining.
3.The
widespread misery from North of South of the country and the appearance of
shantytowns around the conglomerations with a development which arouses in
arrow brothels, night clubs, and prostitution. An unprecedented corruption in
the history of Laos nurtured and kept by
the regime in place which still believe in the delusion of Marxism-Leninism.
From 1986, the timid opening attempted
by the communists seems to have responded in priority to the necessity of
restoring an economy of some type social-communist in bankrupt rather than
considering a real democratization of the political institutions in Laos.
In 1988, about 14 years after
transformation of the Kingdom into Republic, a legislative Assembly had been
elected with the sole candidates designated by the People’s Revolutionary
Communist Party. The 16 August 1991, this chamber voted by a show of hand a Constitution
which reaffirms the pre-eminence of the
Lao Communist Party.
We must take note that although there
is openness in the country to the market economy, in spite of the benevolence
of the donor countries and the plentiful bilateral and multilateral assistances
as well as in economic, technical, and financial aspects, the economic and
social development of Laos could not succeed to take shape, it is inundated by
the loans not paid out, numerous projects and programs of development are
doomed for failure and become ineffective due to a lack of qualified personnel
as well as the political regime of the
country. Laos at present, is very dependent of the direct external aid, it
continues to live at the expense of the donations and the aid of the
international organizations and the Great Powers as well as money sent by the
overseas Laotians to their families living in Laos in precarious situation; and
the devastating exploitations of its natural resources.
We deplore that the Laotians
expatriates after the events of 1975 who remain attached to their country and a
great number constitute a resource of competence, anxious to be able to serve
their native country, have not been taken into account in order to mitigate the
lack of human resources. We fear that in these conditions, Laos will not
achieve either democratization, or economic development, putting in jeopardy
even its existence, as viable nation and consequently threatening peace and
security of this region of the world.
The evolution of the international
situation has been improved, in particular in East Europe where the communist
regime has become disaggregated and in Asia where the countries ruled by the
dictatorial regime have found its way again or have attempted to re-establish
the reconciliation and national understanding after several years of conflicts.
It is thanks to the clear-sightedness of the Great Power, the international
organizations, the women and men of good willingness smittened of justice and
peace that such results have been obtained.
With force of conviction, the LAO NATIONAL COMMITTEE composed of the democratic forces and the
representatives of the Opposition to all forms of dictatorship, struggling for
liberty, democracy, reconciliation, reform and human rights, demand vigorously :
1.the cessation of
all exactions and arbitrary arrests committed against the patriots who
claim for
liberty , reconciliation,
reform and the multi-party system.
2.the organizing a constructive dialogue in the form of a “round table” between the present
leaders of Vientiane and the representative of the democratic movement inside
and outside of Laos, anxious to participate in the reconstruction of their native country in a state of law.
3. that Laos remains the fatherland of the Laotians of
all edges,
including those who have adopted the nationality of their host country ;
whoever must have expatriated themselves to flee the dictatorial regime must be
able to return freely to the country and to keep their Lao origin nationality .
4. the denunciation of all treaties which were not
been concluded from equal terms with foreign countries, in particular with the
neighbouring countries, and which undermine the sovereignty of Laos.
5. the release without conditions the prisoners of
opinion
incarcerated without trial and inhumanely treated and this, without any reprisals.
6. the total withdrawal and without conditions foreign
forces from Laos under the control of the
U N .
7. the free general elections at universal suffrage with the participation
of all political formations inside and
outside the country under international supervision.
8.the edification of a political regime truly
democratic, free and neutral, reflecting the most ardent
aspirations of the Lao
people by a Referendum.
Such are the basics and the
conditions which will enable us to hope, on both sides, engaging a frank and
sincere dialogue in view of fraternal understanding, erasing the hates of
yesterday and thus bringing back the serenity and happiness in the heart of all
the Lao who only aspire to reconstruct their unity for the future of their
children in a state of law.
The world moves and
evolves, with a worldwide or globalization of the economy and the disappearance
of the old word order ruled by the cold war and the balance of forces, the
relationships between nations and the peoples needs to be redefined in order to
establish a word which included all people in the process of sustained
development and which ensure to the future generations the right to be alive.
Laos, in order to develop and integrate itself in the present world, needs a
social, economic, and political reform and with this, of all forces of its
compatriots inside and outside of the country, it is urgent to engage the
indispensable reforms in order to pull out the country from poverty an
under-development.
In this prospect the Lao National Committee is ready to assist Laos to succeed in its reform and
to participate concretely to social and economic development of the nations.
This development must emerge into concord, solidarity and prosperity of Laos . The
Lao National Committee invites the
international community, in particular the international organizations, the
Great Powers, and the donor countries to revise their assistance policy and to
demand in return of their aids the tangible results and verifiable as to the
matter of human rights, democracy to fight against corruption and good
governance .
The LAO NATIONAL COMMITTEE remains committed
to ending all forms of dictatorship in Laos and that though peaceful actions and is cooperating fully
with all organizations and individuals with the same goal, we urge all
compatriots to work in solidarity and to openly claim to right to live in a
democratic and free society Lao.
It expresses a wish that
the great Powers and the international organizations have the good relationship
with Laos, to encourage these steps and to extend the cooperation to the
organizations representatives of the democratic aspirations of the Lao abroad.
The Lao National
Committee launches a solemn appeal to governments, to
international organizations: UN, EU (European Union), ASEAN, and to
personalities who cherish liberty, peace and justice, having the relationship
with Laos, in order to facilitate by their generosity and experience, the
meeting, the reconciliation, and the understanding between Laotians, and, in
doing so, helping the realization of
economic social and democratic progress in Laos, and contributing to the
security and prosperity of Southeast Asia.
S. Thoraninth
LAO NATIONAL COMMEETTEE
lao_nc@yahoo.fr
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